Texas is a Pay to Play State
An analysis of Greg Abbott's Top Donors
Governor Greg Abbott’s top donors, as listed in the 2025-89th Legislature report card from Mothers Against Greg Abbott, include several billionaires and high-net-worth individuals from industries like finance, energy, real estate, and investments. While direct quid pro quo arrangements are illegal and not explicitly documented, public records and analyses show patterns where Abbott has appointed donors (or their close associates) to influential state boards and commissions. These roles often oversee policies affecting donors’ business interests, such as education funding, energy regulations, higher education, and economic development. Additionally, Abbott’s policy agenda—particularly on deregulation, tax cuts, and school vouchers—aligns with the priorities of many top donors, providing indirect business benefits through favorable legislation and executive actions.
Abbott’s campaign has raised over $22 million in the 2024-2026 cycle alone (through October 2025), with cash on hand exceeding $87 million. About 29% of his appointees since taking office have been donors, contributing over $14 million collectively (adjusted for inflation). Below is a breakdown focused on the top donors from your image, drawing from campaign finance reports, ethics filings, and journalistic investigations. We have prioritized verifiable appointments and policy alignments.
Donors who are getting Major State Contracts
Key Industries donating to Abbott
The key industries benefiting from Greg Abbott donor contracts—based on reporting and analysis from watchdog groups and campaign finance data—include:
Construction and Infrastructure: Companies like Williams Brothers Construction (J. Doug Pitcock) have received billions in Texas Department of Transportation (TxDOT) contracts, with donors often serving on relevant state boards or commissions.
Emergency Management Services: Gothams LLC, led by a major Abbott donor, received over $700 million in no-bid emergency contracts during disaster declarations, including the COVID-19 pandemic and hurricane response.
Automotive and Freight: Doggett Freightliners, owned by Abbott donor William Doggett, received no-bid contracts valued at $1.6 million. Doggett has also served on the Texas Parks and Wildlife Commission.
Health and Medical Equipment: Abbott Laboratories (unrelated by name) contributed to Abbott’s PAC and received tens of millions in emergency medical equipment contracts.
Oil and Gas: Many top donors are prominent oil and gas executives. These donors have not only benefited from favorable regulatory and board appointments, but their firms also profit from Texas government energy projects and disaster response funding.
Waste Management: Companies in this sector, like Sprint Waste Services, have been noted among top contributors, indicating favorable state contract relationships.
Real Estate and Development: Majestic Realty, Hillwood Development, and similar firms are regular contributors and have received state contracts related to land development, disaster recovery, and public works.
Telecom and Technology Services: Significant donors from telecom services have been awarded contracts for state communications infrastructure.
Vouchers: Jeff Yass who donated the largest ever single donation to any campaign in Texas, to Greg Abbott is also a major investor in Odyssey, who is the financial and technology company managing Texas Vouchers.
Which companies received largest no big contracts
The companies that received the largest no-bid contracts from Texas under Greg Abbott’s emergency declarations are:
Gothams LLC: This emergency management company was the single largest recipient, securing nearly $640 million in no-bid contracts during the COVID-19 pandemic and other disasters (2020–2022). After the initial wave, Gothams continued securing additional contracts worth over $66 million. The company’s founder, Matthew Michelsen, has contributed roughly $600,000 to Abbott’s campaign since 2022.
Doggett Freightliners (Doggett Equipment Services Group): This heavy equipment and truck dealer, led by donor William “Leslie” Doggett, received two no-bid state contracts totaling $1.6 million in 2022–2023. One of these contracts was awarded just days after a $500,000 donation to Abbott’s PAC. Doggett has contributed more than $1.7 million to Abbott’s political efforts.
Across 2020–2024, 89 contracts worth approximately $950 million went to donors of Greg Abbott’s PAC, often before or after major campaign contributions from the company or executives.
These contracts were typically awarded as part of extended disaster declarations, bypassing standard competitive bidding rules, and raising significant concerns around transparency and pay-to-play politics according to watchdog reports.
Donors Who Received State Contracts
J. Doug Pitcock (Williams Brothers Construction): Pitcock’s firm received $1.9 billion in Texas Department of Transportation (TxDOT) contracts since 2020, making it one of the largest recipients. Abbott appoints the members of the commission that approves TxDOT contracts.
William “Leslie” Doggett (Doggett Equipment Services Group): Doggett contributed over $1.7 million and received $1.6 million in no-bid contracts. His company is a frequent state contractor during disaster declarations.
Matthew Michelsen (Gothams LLC): Donated $600,000 to Abbott’s PAC; his emergency management firm received nearly $640 million in no-bid state contracts during COVID-19 and disaster emergencies, plus $66 million in follow-on contracts.
John R. Weisman (Hunter Industries): Has donated $1 million; his firm received $464 million in highway contracts over three years.
Donors Who Received Board or Commission Appointments
Paul L. Foster (Oil tycoon): Given more than $2.1 million to Abbott, appointed as chair of the Electric Reliability Council of Texas following the 2021 winter storm.
Tilman Fertitta (Hospitality): Donated $1.8 million; served as University of Houston regent.
Jay Graham (Oil & Gas): Texas A&M University regent, significant donor.
Robert Rowling (Omni Hotels): Given more than $2.1 million, appointed to Abbott’s business disaster “Strike Force”.
Tilman Fertitta (owner of Landry’s restaurants and the Houston Rockets, donated $1.8 million): University of Houston System Regent.
Kelcy Warren (Energy Transfer Partners, over $2.9 million donated): University of Texas System Regent.
Robert Albritton (Railroad Controls Limited, $1.8 million donated): Texas A&M University System Regent.
S. Javaid Anwar (oil tycoon, Abbott’s top overall donor, $6.2 million plus): Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board Member.
Jay Graham (oil & gas executive): Texas A&M University Regent.
Kevin P. Eltife (former state senator, nearly $150,000 donated): University of Texas System Regent.
Dan Friedkin (Houston billionaire): Chair of the Texas Parks and Wildlife Commission, overseeing conservation, hunting/fishing regulations, and state park policy. Friedkin was elevated to chair by Abbott and has a history of significant donations.
DeAnn Walker ($7,600 donor): Appointed chair of the Texas Public Utility Commission (PUC), which regulates statewide public utilities, including electricity and telecommunications. She was formerly Abbott’s policy adviser.
Numerous others have been appointed to:
Parks and Wildlife Commission (11 out of 12 appointed since 2013 were Abbott donors and have donated to his campaigns, with average donations of $923,000.)
Texas Medical Board (15 of 22 appointees donated to Abbott and have contributed an average of $43,000 each to Abbott’s campaign.)
University system boards (over 43% of Abbott’s appointees have given $25,000+ to his campaigns; 8 have contributed $1 million+).
At least 8 Abbott board appointees donated more than $1 million each.
Timing of Contracts: Major donors—including Doggett Freightliners (William Doggett) and Gothams LLC (Matthew Michelsen)—received non-competitive, emergency contracts worth millions shortly after making large contributions to Abbott’s PAC. For instance, Doggett was awarded contracts totaling $1.6 million just days after a $500,000 donation and later received an appointment to the Texas Parks and Wildlife Commission.
Board Appointments and Regulatory Control: Oil and energy executives such as Paul L. Foster (ERCOT) and S. Javaid Anwar (Higher Education Coordinating Board) made major campaign contributions and subsequently were appointed to boards overseeing sectors in which they held direct business interests. This overlap raises concerns about favorable treatment and regulatory decisions benefiting donors.
Consulting and Procurement: Deloitte LLP and HNTB Holdings, whose senior staff contributed significant amounts to Abbott’s campaigns, received large, no-bid emergency contracts ($89 million and $193 thousand, respectively), further suggesting pay-to-play dynamics.
Medical, Education & Wildlife Boards: Abbott appointees to the Texas Medical Board, Parks and Wildlife Commission, and University regent boards are overwhelmingly major donors. These regulatory boards have authority over professional licensing, contracts, and policy, presenting opportunities for donor appointees to steer decisions aligned with their financial, business, or political interests.
Taken together, these patterns reveal a political system where the biggest checks often lead to the biggest rewards. Abbott’s donors are not simply supporting his campaigns. Many are securing powerful positions inside state government, winning extraordinary no-bid contracts, or influencing regulatory decisions that shape entire industries. Texans deserve a government that works for the public, not a select group of wealthy insiders who profit from disaster declarations, state contracts, and politically appointed boards. Until these practices are scrutinized and reformed, the people of Texas will continue paying the price for a pay-to-play culture that puts private gain ahead of the public good.
There is only one remedy for change. Vote them out!
Yours in resistance,
Nancy
References:
Totals in chart
Totals are estimates from Texas Ethics Commission filings, Transparency USA, and OpenSecrets (up to Nov 2025). “2026 so far” reflects early cycle data.
Motivations often involve policy alignment (e.g., vouchers for education donors, deregulation for energy) and reciprocity (e.g., appointments granting oversight of $20B+ in funding).
Critics (e.g., Public Citizen) highlight “pay-to-play” patterns, like no-bid contracts to donors totaling $950M under emergency declarations.
For full filings, see ethics.texas.gov. If you’d like details on a specific donor or sector, let me know!
Campaign Finance & Donor Databases
Transparency USA: https://www.transparencyusa.org/tx/candidate/greg-abbott/contributors?cycle=2024-election-cycle
Transparency USA main page (all cycles): https://www.transparencyusa.org/tx/candidate/greg-abbott/contributors
OpenSecrets (donor lookup): https://www.opensecrets.org/donor-lookup
FollowTheMoney (Greg Abbott campaign): https://www.followthemoney.org/entity-details?eid=15137000&default=search
Official Board Appointment News
Texas Governor’s Office appointments/news: https://gov.texas.gov/news
Texas Parks and Wildlife Commission (appointment announcements): https://tpwd.texas.gov/newsmedia/releases/
ERCOT Board Selection Committee news: https://gov.texas.gov/news/post/governor-abbott-appoints-aplin-to-ercot-board-selection-committee
Investigative Journalism/Reporting
Texas Tribune key analyses of Abbott appointments/fundraising:
Houston Chronicle donor and appointment analysis:
Watchdog & Advocacy Reports
Public Citizen “Awarding Influence” report: https://www.citizen.org/topic/texas/
Texans for Public Justice donor and appointment records:
Major News & Magazine Articles
Texas Monthly (Abbott fundraising roundups): https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/greg-abbott-raised-astonishing-15-6-million-23-days/
Chron.com (Buc-ee’s owner donations): https://www.chron.com/politics/article/Buc-ee-s-owner-Arch-Aplin-III-donations-Greg-Abbott-16443745.php
Other Reference
Texas Scorecard, ProPublica, ABC News, and other outlets listed in cited search results for deep-dive reporting.
It’s Been that since 1994.